Prime Minister Carney must take decisive action to end genocide in Gaza

Open Letter to Prime Minister Carney on Gaza Crisis

We write as a concerned group of 412 Canadians, including academics, lawyers, former and retired ambassadors (including to the United Nations), ministers and public servants, UN human rights experts, and civil society, labour and faith leaders, all deeply concerned with the catastrophic human rights and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, now into its twentieth month.

Israel’s actions in Gaza are broadly understood by international law experts and leading human rights organizations as constituting genocide. We write with the demand and expectation that Canada must do everything in its power to stop these atrocities and support efforts to bring those responsible to account. This is what our signatures on the 1948 Genocide Convention and the 1998 Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court demand.

We call for decisive action with respect to five priority recommendations:

• Work actively towards an immediate, permanent ceasefire and the release of all Israeli and Palestinian captives.

• Insist on full humanitarian access to Gaza and demand that the Israeli ban on the UN Relief and Works Agency be completely lifted.

• Publicly support the role of and fully comply with international courts in holding to account those who violate international law.

• Pursue all possible domestic measures, including immediately withdrawing from the free trade agreement between Canada and Israel, imposing sanctions on Israeli leaders, initiating investigations under the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act, enforcing a full and comprehensive two-way arms embargo, and stripping charitable status from organizations found to be complicit in crimes under international law.

• Without further delay, join the 149 states who recognize the State of Palestine and support all efforts for Palestine to be admitted as a full member of the United Nations.

We write with urgency as Prime Minister Carney will host the G7 Summit from June 15-17, which presents a crucial opportunity for concerted action by seven of the world’s most influential and powerful governments that must be seized.

Link to letter in English.

Link to letter in French.

Link to list of endorsements.

The text of the letter, in English and French, and the list of endorsements, follows.

ENGLISH VERSION

June 9, 2025

The Right Honourable Mark Carney, Prime Minister of Canada

80 Wellington Street, Ottawa, Ontario  K1A 0A2

Dear Prime Minister,

We write this Open Letter to you as a group of 412 professors of law and lawyers with backgrounds in international law and human rights; academics with demonstrated expertise in international relations, justice and human rights; civil society, faith and labour movement leaders; and former and retired ministers, diplomats and public servants who have worked over many decades to advance Canada’s global interests. We write because of the catastrophic human rights and humanitarian crisis in Gaza, now into its twentieth month, which is broadly understood by international law experts and leading human rights organizations as constituting genocide.

Waiting, vacillating, remaining silent and failing or, worse, refusing to act in the face of mounting and incontrovertible evidence of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity can no longer be options for Canada. But it is not enough to simply speak out. Canada must do everything in its power to stop these atrocities and support efforts to bring those responsible to account. This is what our signatures on the 1948 Genocide Convention and the 1998 Rome Statute establishing the International Criminal Court demand.

We offer five priority recommendations for action, which are described in more detail at the end of this letter.  We urge you to take up these suggestions both unilaterally and jointly with partners, including at the upcoming G7 Summit.

• Work actively towards an immediate, permanent ceasefire and the release of all Israeli and Palestinian captives.

• Insist on full humanitarian access to Gaza in a manner in keeping with core humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence, and demand that the Israeli ban on the UN Relief and Works Agency be completely lifted.

• Publicly support the role of and fully comply with international courts in holding to account those who violate international law in the Occupied Palestinian Territory including Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and Israel.

• Pursue all possible domestic measures, including immediately withdrawing from the free trade agreement between Canada and Israel, imposing sanctions on Israeli leaders and other individuals suspected of involvement in atrocity crimes, initiating investigations into charges of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity under the Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act (including any Canadians or dual nationals involved in such crimes) with the aim of prosecuting offenders in Canada or other jurisdictions, enforcing a full and comprehensive two-way arms embargo, and stripping charitable status from organizations found to be complicit in crimes under international law.

• Without further delay, join the 149 states who recognize the State of Palestine and support all efforts for Palestine to be admitted as a full member of the United Nations.

Urgency

We write with a sense of unprecedented urgency, which only deepens as the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly Gaza, worsens hourly.

First and foremost, there is urgency because the situation on the ground in Gaza has become unimaginably dire. Adequate words to accurately describe the level and scale of death, suffering and destruction escape us. Even such a term as apocalyptic seems insufficient. Over 54,000 Gazans have been killed since Israel’s military operations began, amounting to a staggering 2.4% of the population. We write that figure, knowing that it underrepresents those killed and that it will rise daily. The true number of deaths is certainly higher, given that there are many bodies that have yet to be recovered from underneath the rubble of buildings that have collapsed under bombardment. Countless others are dying from malnutrition and infectious diseases. An estimated 70% of the deaths have been women and children.[1] The numbers of children who have been killed – often all of the children in a single family at the same time – shatters the collective heart of humanity.

What has transpired in Gaza over the past twenty months is an abhorrent situation of unspeakable death and devastation that should not and cannot be allowed to continue for a single day, in fact a single minute, longer. That the situation has been allowed to reach such depths of suffering is a despicably shameful disgrace borne by the entire international community, including Canada. It is the inevitable result of months of inaction and wholesale impunity.

We are in full agreement with the detailed analysis and conclusions reached by UN human rights experts,[2] respected human rights organizations,[3] and numerous legal academics[4] that genocide is taking place in Gaza. It should not have come to this. We remind you that there exists a clear and unambiguous legal obligation on parties to the Genocide Convention, which obviously includes Canada, to prevent genocide where there is a risk of it being committed. It cannot be said with any semblance of rationality that no such risk has existed for the last twenty months.

In point of fact, on 26 January 2024, the International Court of Justice found that the right of the Palestinian people in Gaza under the Genocide Convention not to be subjected to acts of genocide is plausibly at stake and that there exists a “real and imminent risk” of genocide in Gaza.[5] This is enough to have triggered the obligation of all signatories to the Genocide Convention – including Canada – to take positive measures to prevent genocide in Gaza. In addition, the Court ordered the Israeli government to “take immediate and effective measures to enable the provision of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to address the adverse conditions of life faced by Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”[6]

Since that ruling over sixteen months ago, and in violation of two further binding provisional measures orders of the ICJ,[7] Israel has taken measures to exponentially worsen conditions in Gaza. Israel’s decision to completely block humanitarian access to Gaza since March 2, 2025, and more recently to bypass UN and established humanitarian agencies and instead deliver a meagre level of aid through the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), a so-called ‘humanitarian’ foundation lacking humanity, independence, impartiality and neutrality, has been widely condemned, including by your government. In the words of UN Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, Tom Fletcher, these so-called “humanitarian” measures adopted by Israel are a “cynical sideshow”, “a deliberate distraction”, and “a fig leaf for further violence and displacement.”[8] Of note, dozens of Palestinians have been killed and hundreds injured attempting to collect food aid from the GHF to date.[9]

We write with the full knowledge that one year ago – 10 June 2024 – the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2735 (proposed by the United States) which demanded “an immediate, full and complete ceasefire”, the return of Israeli and Palestinian captives, the return of Palestinian civilians to their homes and neighbourhoods throughout Gaza and the safe delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale throughout the Strip. The Resolution also rejected “any attempt at demographic change in the Gaza Strip, including any actions that reduce the territory of Gaza.”

We write with additional urgency given that you are hosting the G7 Summit in Kananaskis in five days’ time. We anticipate that the situation in Gaza, broader issues related to Israel and Palestine, and wider tensions and openings regarding geopolitical and security challenges in the Middle East, will feature in your discussions. It is a crucial opportunity for concerted action from seven of the world’s most influential governments and economies. It is an opportunity that must be seized.

We welcomed the joint statement that was issued by three of the seven G7 leaders, namely French President Emmanuel Macron, UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer and yourself, on May 19, 2025[10] and commend the red lines that were drawn. In particular we note that you have committed to “further concrete actions” if the Israeli government continues with its renewed military offensive and fails to lift its restrictions on humanitarian aid in Gaza. You have indicated that you will not “hesitate to take further action, including targeted sanctions” if Israel does not halt the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank. The time for such actions is now. Despite extensive and credible documentation of ongoing international crimes, Canada still refuses to act. What more evidence could possibly be needed?

Indeed, you have not yet taken any such action, despite the fact that the renewed military offensive and restrictions on humanitarian aid which you decried nearly three weeks ago have not abated. Similarly we have seen no response from Canada to the recent decision by Israel’s security cabinet to establish 22 new illegal settlements in the West Bank, the most extensive move of its kind since the Oslo Accords and which Israel’s Defence Minister, Israel Katz, explicitly acknowledges is “a strategic move that prevents the establishment of a Palestinian state that would endanger Israel.”[11]

Prime Minister Carney, it is clearly time for the further concrete action that has been promised by Canada. It is our expectation that as the summit host, and working with President Macron and Prime Minister Starmer, you will generate wider G7 action along these lines.

International Courts and International Law

We have followed closely the investigation launched by the International Criminal Court with respect to the situation in the State of Palestine. As you are aware, in May 2024 the Court’s Prosecutor sought arrest warrants against three Hamas and two Israeli leaders, on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity related to the October 7th attack and the military offensive that has followed. The three Hamas leaders have all subsequently been killed and the proceedings against them have been discontinued or withdrawn. Arrest warrants were issued against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Minister of Defence Yoav Gallant in November 2024 and remain outstanding.[12] The Court’s investigations continue and there is every possibility that further arrest warrants may be sought.

Many of us endorsed an Open Letter to your predecessor, Justin Trudeau, from 375 academics, lawyers, civil society and faith leaders and former ministers and diplomats in May 2024, calling on the Canadian government to support the ICC’s ongoing work with respect to Palestine.[13] That remains a key imperative, as a means of tackling the decades of impunity that have shielded those responsible for grave crimes under international law in Palestine and in Israel from accountability.

To date we have been disappointed by what would best be termed ambivalent and reluctant support from the Canadian government for the ICC. Your government must not only support the ICC’s investigation in words, but in deeds, for instance by allocating investigators to assist the Court’s probe into atrocities in Palestine, as it did in the context of the Ukraine investigation. We likewise implore your government to not only clearly state that it would enforce the existing ICC arrest warrants but that it would support the issuance of additional warrants, including in relation to atrocities committed in the West Bank.

We draw your attention as well to the Advisory Opinion issued by the International Court of Justice in July 2024, in which the Court found that “Israel’s presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory is unlawful.”[14] The Court noted that all states – i.e. including Canada and all members of the G7 – are “under an obligation not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel’s illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.”[15] The Court affirmed that all States were therefore under a duty “to distinguish in their dealings with Israel between the territory of the State of Israel and the Palestinian territory occupied since 1967”.[16] In this regard, the Court affirmed that such a duty encompasses, inter alia:

• “the obligation to abstain from treaty relations with Israel in all cases in which it purports to act on behalf of the Occupied Palestinian Territory or a part thereof on matters concerning the Occupied Palestinian Territory or a part of its territory;

• to abstain from entering into economic or trade dealings with Israel concerning the Occupied Palestinian Territory or parts thereof which may entrench its unlawful presence in the territory;

• to abstain, in the establishment and maintenance of diplomatic missions in Israel, from any recognition of its illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory; and

• to take steps to prevent trade or investment relations that assist in the maintenance of the illegal situation created by Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.”[17]

As the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, the ICJ’s authoritative determination of international law, as above, is binding on all States, regardless of whether such determination appears in the form of an Advisory Opinion of the Court. This is so given the Court’s determinations above all rest upon Israel’s violations of peremptory norms of international law, derogation from which is not permitted.

Many of us were involved in letters to and/or meetings with the former prime minister and relevant ministers over the course of 2024, laying out recommendations for action that Canada is legally required to take in response to the 2024 Advisory Opinion, including in relation to illegal settlements in the West Bank, which are war crimes; but very little has been done, and the minimal steps that have been taken, such as sanctions against a negligible number of individual settlers in the West Bank, have clearly proven ineffective.[18]

In our view Canada has fallen far short of complying with the clear international legal obligation to refrain from providing “aid or assistance”  to Israel in continuing its illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and its commission of other internationally wrongful acts, including core international crimes, in the territory.

Recommendations

Legally and morally, it is incumbent on Canada, and therefore upon your government, to pursue all possible action to end, prevent, investigate and punish genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem and in Israel. We note that under the Genocide Convention Canada has an express obligation to prevent and punish genocide. As well, the Convention is widely recognized to give rise to erga omnes obligations, which all states have a legal interest in enforcing. No state can or should remain passive in the face of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. We urge you to prioritize Canadian action in five areas.

1) Ceasefire and Release of Captives

The most immediate step that must be taken in Gaza is a full, unconditional ceasefire, starting with a complete halt to Israel’s renewed ground offensive. That must include release of all captives unlawfully held by Hamas and by Israel. Your government has expressed opposition to the renewed offensive and insisted that it be halted, and has frequently called for a ceasefire. Working with G7 and other partners, there must now be consequences for the consistent failure and refusal to comply with those demands.

2) Humanitarian access

The blockade on humanitarian access to Gaza since early March has given rise to catastrophic conditions on the ground which UN officials have described as a famine; a famine that is not a result of environmental conditions or crop failure, but entirely instigated by Israeli government policy, decisions and action. Your government must insist that the Israeli ban on the UN Relief and Works Agency be lifted, and that aid be allowed into Gaza at the scale that is required and in conformity with the binding orders of the International Court of Justice issued in South Africa v. Israel, as well as widely recognized humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence. Again, working with other governments, there must be consequences for Israel’s refusal to live up to this most basic of humanitarian imperatives. Canada must not work with, recognize or in any way support the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which in no ways adheres to those humanitarian principles and instead supports Israel’s military strategies and intentions regarding Gaza.

3) Support for international courts

Canada has a long and proud tradition of supporting the important role of international courts in upholding international law. Support for these institutions is vital at this time. Both the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court are actively engaged in cases involving allegations and charges of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Israel and Palestine. Those two courts have faced criticism and hostile challenges from a number of governments, particularly Israel and the United States. Canada can do much more to demonstrate the substance of our support for international courts. That should include developing a plan of action for ensuring Canada: a) complies with the ICJ’s 2024 Advisory Opinion regarding the illegality of Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory; b) intervenes in support of South Africa’s case at the ICJ under the Genocide Convention in the way Canada has done in other cases (i.e. Gambia v. Myanmar); c) makes a clear public statement confirming Canada’s commitment to enforcing arrest warrants issued by the ICC; and d) works with other governments to refer concerns about the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank to the ICC Prosecutor.

4) Pursue all possible measures within Canada

In addition to taking international action there are many steps that Canada can and must take domestically. In fact, we are legally obliged to do so. The Genocide Convention outlaws not only genocide but “complicity in genocide.” The Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act lays out the legal framework for charges related to genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes to be brought against both Canadians and non-Canadians before Canadian courts. Among other measures we call on your government to:

• build on the sanctions that have been imposed against Hamas, other Palestinian armed groups and leaders associated with those groups, as well as sanctions imposed against extremist settlers, by imposing sanctions against key Israeli government officials suspected of responsibility for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Minister of Defence Israel Katz, Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Minister of Finance Bezalel Smotrich;

• enforce a full, two-way arms ban between Canada and Israel, including all Canadian arms, parts or components and ‘dual-use’ objects transferred to Israel via the United States or any other third country;

• withdraw from the Canada-Israel Free Trade Agreement, particularly given that the agreement is unlawful for being in violation of two peremptory norms of international law, namely the prohibition on the acquisition of territory through the threat or use of force and the obligation to respect a people’s right to self-determination (see the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, article 53), and the fact that the agreement includes goods and services originating from illegal West Bank settlements and fails to distinguish between Israeli territory and the occupied Palestinian territory;

• request the RCMP to launch investigations into allegations that Canadian citizens and organizations incorporated in and based in Canada have committed, or aided and abetted the commission of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity in Israel or Palestine, including while serving with the Israel Defense Forces, with the specific aim of prosecuting alleged perpetrators; and

• appoint an independent expert to investigate and ensure that any organization with Canadian charitable status that has provided financial or other support for genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes is stripped of that status.

Finally, Prime Minister, we urge you to recognize the State of Palestine, which should be granted full membership within the United Nations. There is wide support for doing so, with 149 States having already done so (148 of the 193 member states of the UN, plus one nonmember Observer State, the Holy See).[19] The Canadian government has previously expressed an intention to do so eventually, but has indicated it is premature.[20] That cannot stand, particularly as the Israeli government pursues such courses of action as genocide in Gaza and the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank, which are (by Israel’s own admission) intended to undermine the territorial integrity and political independence of Palestine. As noted by the International Court of Justice in its 2024 Advisory Opinion, the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination in their State is in the nature of a peremptory norm of international law, derogation from which is not permitted, and is therefore not a matter of negotiation. Canada’s position is patronizing and contravenes the fundamental right of Palestinians to self-determination. Canada can and should wait no longer.

We also remind you that on 18 September 2024, the United Nations General Assembly overwhelmingly (124-14-45) adopted Resolution ES-10/24, which not only welcomed the July 2024 Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, but also gave Israel a firm deadline of 12 months to completely end its unlawful occupation of the Palestinian Territory. We urge you to join with other like-minded states in the world who – in the event that Israel does not obey the clear directions of the Court, the United Nations and the international community – will consider the necessary consequences of that defiance.

Prime Minister, there is no question as to which side of history Canada belongs. Because of Canada’s proclaimed “shared values” and close relationship with Israel, Ottawa must spare no effort to bring the genocide in Gaza, and the war crimes and crimes against humanity in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, to an immediate end. Upholding international law is the only avenue through which not only peace, justice and human rights, but the durable, long-term security of Israelis and Palestinians alike will be achieved.

[1] Al Jazeera, Nearly 70 percent of deaths in Gaza are women and children: UN, November 8, 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/11/8/nearly-70-percent-of-deaths-in-gaza-are-women-and-children-un.

[2] UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, Anatomy of a Genocide, UN Document A/HRC/55/73, July 1, 2024, https://docs.un.org/en/A/HRC/55/73; UN General Assembly, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, Francesca Albanese, Genocide as Colonial Erasure, UN Document A/79/384, October 1, 2024, https://docs.un.org/en/A/79/384.

[3] Amnesty International, Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territory: ‘You Feel Like You Are Subhuman’: Israel’s Genocide Against Palestinians in Gaza, December 5, 2024, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/mde15/8668/2024/en/; Human Rights Watch, Extermination and Acts of Genocide: Israel Deliberately Depriving Palestinians in Gaza of Water, December 19, 2024, https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/12/19/extermination-and-acts-genocide/israel-deliberately-depriving-palestinians-gaza.

[4] UK Judges’ and Lawyers’ Open Letter Concerning the Occupied Palestinian Territory – May 2025, https://lawyersletter.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Gaza-letter-26May25.pdf.

[5] “In the Court’s view the facts and circumstances mentioned above are sufficient to conclude that at least some of the rights claimed by South Africa and for which it is seeking protection are plausible. This is the case

with respect to the right of the Palestinians in Gaza to be protected from acts of genocide and related prohibited acts identified in Article III…”, “…the Court considers that there is urgency, in the sense that there is a real and imminent risk that irreparable prejudice will be caused to the rights found by the Court to be plausible.” Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel), Request for the Indication of Provisional Measures, Order of 26 January 2024, paragraph 54, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240126-ord-01-00-en.pdf.

[6] Ibid., paragraph 86(4).

[7] Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel), Request for the Modification of the Order of 26 January 2024 Indicating Provisional Measures, Order of 28 March, 2024, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240328-ord-01-00-en.pdf; Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v Israel), Request for the Modification of the Order of 28 March 2024, Order of 24 May 2024, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240524-ord-01-00-en.pdf.    

[8] Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator - Briefing to the Security Council on the humanitarian situation and the protection of aid workers in Gaza, May 13, 2025, https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/mr-tom-fletcher-under-secretary-general-humanitarian-affairs-and-emergency-relief-coordinator-briefing-security-council-humanitarian-situation-and-protection-aid-workers-gaza-13-may-2025-enarhe.

[9] CBC News, U.S.-backed Gaza aid group halts distribution as 18 killed in Israeli strike on school shelter, June 4, 2025, https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/gaza-israel-aid-1.7551741. 

[10] Joint statement from the leaders of Canada, the United Kingdom and France on the situation in Gaza and the West Bank, May 19, 2025, https://www.pm.gc.ca/en/news/statements/2025/05/19/joint-statement-leaders-canada-united-kingdom-and-france-situation.

[11] Lorenzo Tondo, Israel confirms plans to create 22 new settlements in occupied West Bank, The Guardian, May 29, 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/29/israel-new-settlements-occupied-west-bank-palestinian-state.

[12] International Criminal Court, Situation in the State of Palestine, https://www.icc-cpi.int/palestine.

[13] A call for Canadian support for the ICC’s work with respect to Palestine/Israel, May 29, 2024, https://www.alexneve.ca/blog/a-call-for-canadian-support-for-the-iccs-palestineisrael-case.

[14] “The Court considers that the violations by Israel of the prohibition of the acquisition of territory by force and of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination have a direct impact on the legality of the continued presence of Israel, as an occupying Power, in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The sustained abuse by Israel of its position as an occupying Power, through annexation and an assertion of permanent control over the Occupied Palestinian Territory and continued frustration of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, violates fundamental principles of international law and renders Israel’s presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory unlawful.” International Court of Justice, Advisory Opinion, Legal Consequences Arising from the Policies and Practices of Israel in the Occupied Palestinian Territory Including East Jerusalem, July 19, 2024, paragraph 261, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/186/186-20240719-adv-01-00-en.pdf.

[15] Ibid., paragraph 279.

[16] Ibid., paragraph 278.

[17] Idem.

[18] Letters to the Canadian government, April, June and August 2024: Illegal West Bank settlements are war crimes, https://www.alexneve.ca/blog/2024warcrimeletters.

[19] Al Jazeera, Mapping which countries recognise Palestine in 2025, April 10, 2025, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/10/mapping-which-countries-recognise-palestine-in-2025.

[20] “Canada is prepared to recognize a Palestinian state at the time most conducive to lasting peace, not necessarily as the last step along the path to achieving the two-state solution.” Government of Canada, Canadian policy on key issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/international_relations-relations_internationales/mena-moan/israeli-palestinian_policy-politique_israelo-palestinien.aspx?lang=eng, accessed May 29, 2025; Raffy Boudjikanian, Canadian government speaking with allies about Palestinian statehood recognition, official tells MPs, CBC News, November 8, 2024, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canadian-government-speaking-with-allies-about-palestinian-statehood-recognition-official-tells-mps-1.7377712.

VERSION FRANÇAISE

9 juin 2025

Le très honorable Mark Carney, Premier ministre du Canada

80, rue Wellington Ottawa, Ontario K1A 0A2

Monsieur le Premier ministre,

Nous vous adressons cette lettre ouverte en tant que groupe de 412 professeurs de droit et avocats spécialisés dans le droit international et les droits de l'homme, d'universitaires possédant une expertise avérée dans le domaine des relations internationales, la justice et les droits de l’homme,  de leaders de la société civile, religieux et syndicaux, ainsi que d'anciens ministres, diplomates et fonctionnaires à la retraite qui ont œuvré pendant de nombreuses décennies à la promotion des intérêts mondiaux du Canada. Nous l’écrivons en raison de la crise humanitaire et des droits de l'homme catastrophique à Gaza, qui en est maintenant à son vingtième mois et qui est largement considérée par les experts en droit international et les principales organisations de défense des droits de l'homme comme constituant un génocide.

Attendre, hésiter, rester silencieux et s’abstenir ou, pire, refuser d'agir face aux preuves de plus en plus nombreuses et incontestables de génocide, de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité ne peuvent plus être des options pour le Canada. Mais il ne suffit pas de s'exprimer. Le Canada doit faire tout ce qui est en son pouvoir pour mettre fin à ces atrocités et soutenir les efforts visant à amener les responsables à rendre des comptes. C'est ce qu'exigent nos signatures de la Convention sur le génocide de 1948 et du Statut de Rome de 1998 portant création de la Cour pénale internationale.

Nous proposons cinq recommandations d'action prioritaires, qui sont décrites plus en détail à la fin de cette lettre.  Nous vous demandons instamment de donner suite à ces suggestions, à la fois unilatéralement et conjointement avec vos partenaires, y compris lors du prochain sommet du G7.

• Œuvrer activement en faveur d'un cessez-le-feu immédiat et permanent et de la libération de tous les captifs israéliens et palestiniens.

• Insister sur l'accès complet de l'aide humanitaire à Gaza, conformément aux principes humanitaires fondamentaux d'humanité, d'impartialité, de neutralité et d'indépendance, et exiger la levée totale de l'interdiction imposée par Israël à l'Office de secours et de travaux des Nations Unies.

• Soutenir publiquement le rôle des tribunaux internationaux et s'y conformer pleinement en demandant des comptes à ceux qui violent le droit international dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Gaza, la Cisjordanie et Jérusalem-Est, ainsi qu'en Israël.

• Prendre toutes les mesures nationales possibles, notamment se retirer immédiatement de l'accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et Israël, imposer des sanctions aux dirigeants israéliens et à d'autres personnes soupçonnées d'avoir participé à des atrocités criminelles, ouvrir des enquêtes sur les accusations de génocide, de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité en vertu de la Loi sur les crimes contre l'humanité et les crimes de guerre (y compris sur tout Canadien ou double national impliqué dans de tels crimes) dans le but de poursuivre les auteurs d'infractions au Canada ou dans une autre juridiction, appliquer un embargo total et complet sur les armes dans les deux sens et retirer le statut d'organisme de bienfaisance aux organisations trouvées complices de crimes en vertu du droit international.

• Sans plus attendre, rejoindre les 149 États qui reconnaissent l’État de Palestine en tant qu’État et appuyer tous les efforts pour que la Palestine soit admise comme membre à part entière des Nations Unies.

L'urgence

Nous vous écrivons avec un sentiment d'urgence sans précédent, qui ne fait que s'accentuer à mesure que la situation dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, notamment à Gaza, s'aggrave d'heure en heure.

Tout d'abord, il y a urgence parce que la situation sur le terrain à Gaza est devenue inimaginablement désastreuse. Les mots adéquats pour décrire avec précision le niveau et l'ampleur de la mort, de la souffrance et de la destruction nous échappent. Même un terme comme « apocalyptique » semble insuffisant. Plus de 54 000 habitants de Gaza ont été tués depuis le début des opérations militaires israéliennes, ce qui représente un effarant 2,4 % de la population. Nous écrivons ce chiffre en sachant qu'il est en deçà de la réalité et qu'il augmentera chaque jour. Le nombre réel de morts est certainement plus élevé, étant donné que de nombreux corps n'ont pas encore été récupérés sous les décombres des bâtiments qui se sont effondrés sous les bombardements. D'innombrables autres personnes meurent de malnutrition et de maladies infectieuses. On estime que 70% des morts sont des femmes et des enfants.[1]  Le nombre d'enfants tués - souvent tous les enfants d'une même famille en même temps - brise le cœur collectif de l'humanité.

Ce qui s'est passé à Gaza au cours des vingt derniers mois est une situation odieuse de mort et de dévastation indicibles qui ne devrait pas et ne peut pas être autorisée à se poursuivre un seul jour, en fait une seule minute, de plus. Le fait qu’on ait permis à la situation d’atteindre un tel degré de souffrance est une honte ignoble pour l'ensemble de la communauté internationale, y compris le Canada. C'est le résultat inévitable de mois d'inaction et d'impunité complète.

Nous sommes tout à fait d'accord avec l'analyse détaillée et les conclusions auxquelles sont parvenus des experts des Nations unies en matière de droits de l'homme,[2] des organisations respectées de défense des droits de l'homme[3] et de nombreux juristes universitaires,[4] à savoir qu'un génocide est en cours à Gaza. Nous n'aurions pas dû en arriver là. Nous vous rappelons qu'il existe une obligation juridique claire et sans ambiguïté pour les parties à la Convention sur le génocide, dont le Canada fait évidemment partie, de prévenir le génocide lorsqu'il y a un risque qu'il soit commis. On ne peut pas dire avec un semblant de rationalité qu'un tel risque n'a pas existé au cours des vingt derniers mois.

En effet, le 26 janvier 2024, la Cour internationale de justice a estimé que le droit du peuple palestinien de Gaza en vertu de la Convention sur le génocide de ne pas être soumis à des actes de génocide est plausiblement en jeu et qu'il existe un « risque réel et imminent » de génocide à Gaza.[5]  Cela suffit à déclencher l'obligation pour tous les signataires de la Convention sur le génocide - y compris le Canada - de prendre des mesures positives pour prévenir le génocide à Gaza. De plus, la Cour a ordonné au gouvernement israélien de « prendre sans délai des mesures effectives pour permettre la fourniture des services de base et de l'assistance humanitaire requis de toute urgence afin de remédier aux difficiles conditions d’existence auxquelles sont soumis les Palestiniens de la bande de Gaza ».[6]

Depuis cette décision, il y a plus de seize mois, et en violation de deux autres ordonnances de mesures provisoires contraignantes de la CIJ,[7] Israël a pris des mesures qui ont aggravé de façon exponentielle les conditions de vie à Gaza. La décision d'Israël de bloquer complètement l'accès humanitaire à Gaza depuis le 2 mars 2025 et, plus récemment, de contourner les agences de l'ONU et d’autres agences humanitaires établies pour fournir plutôt un maigre niveau d'aide par l'intermédiaire de la Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), une soi-disant fondation humanitaire dépourvue d'humanité, d'indépendance, d'impartialité et de neutralité, a été largement condamnée, y compris par votre gouvernement. Selon Tom Fletcher, Sous-secrétaire général des Nations Unies aux affaires humanitaires, ces mesures soi-disant « humanitaires » adoptées par Israël sont un « spectacle cynique », « une distraction délibérée » et « une feuille de vigne pour de nouvelles violences et de nouveaux déplacements de population ».[8] Il convient de noter que des dizaines de Palestiniens ont été tués et des centaines d'autres blessés en tentant de collecter l'aide alimentaire de la GHF à ce jour.[9]

Nous écrivons en sachant parfaitement qu'il y a un an - le 10 juin 2024 - le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies a adopté la résolution 2735 (proposée par les États-Unis) qui exigeait « un cessez-le-feu immédiat, total et complet » et le retour des otages israéliens et des prisonniers palestiniens, le retour des civils palestiniens dans leurs maisons et leurs quartiers dans toute la bande de Gaza et l'acheminement en toute sécurité de l'aide humanitaire à grande échelle dans l'ensemble de la bande. La résolution rejette également « toute tentative de changement démographique ou territorial dans la bande de Gaza, y compris tout acte visant à réduire le territoire de Gaza ».

Nous vous écrivons avec d'autant plus d'urgence que vous accueillerez le sommet du G7 à Kananaskis dans cinq jours. Nous nous attendons à ce que la situation à Gaza, les questions plus générales liées à Israël et à la Palestine, ainsi que les tensions et les ouvertures plus larges concernant les défis géopolitiques et sécuritaires au Moyen-Orient, fassent partie de vos discussions. Il s'agit d'une opportunité cruciale pour une action concertée de la part de sept des gouvernements et économies les plus influents du monde. C'est une opportunité qu'il faut saisir.

Nous avons accueilli favorablement la déclaration commune publiée par trois des sept dirigeants du G7, à savoir le président français Emmanuel Macron, le premier ministre britannique Keir Starmer et vous-même, le 19 mai 2025,[10] et nous saluons les lignes rouges qui ont été tracées. Nous notons en particulier que vous vous êtes engagés à prendre « d'autres mesures concrètes » si le gouvernement israélien poursuit son offensive militaire renouvelée et ne lève pas ses restrictions sur l'aide humanitaire à Gaza. Vous avez indiqué que vous n'hésiterez pas « à prendre d’autres mesures, y compris des sanctions ciblées » si Israël ne met pas fin à l'expansion des colonies illégales en Cisjordanie. Le moment est venu de prendre de telles mesures. Malgré une documentation abondante et crédible sur les crimes internationaux en cours, le Canada refuse toujours d'agir. Quelle preuve faut-il de plus?

En effet, vous n'avez encore pris aucune mesure en ce sens, en dépit du fait que la nouvelle offensive militaire et les restrictions à l'aide humanitaire que vous avez dénoncées il y a près de trois semaines n'ont pas diminué. De même, nous n'avons vu aucune réponse de la part tu Canada à la récente décision du cabinet de sécurité israélien d'établir 22 nouvelles colonies illégales en Cisjordanie, la mesure la plus importante de ce type depuis les accords d'Oslo et que le ministre israélien de la défense Israël Katz reconnaît explicitement comme « une mesure stratégique qui empêche la création d'un État palestinien qui mettrait Israël en danger ».[11]  Monsieur le Premier ministre Carney, il est clairement temps de prendre les mesures concrètes qui ont été promises par le Canada. Nous nous nous attendons à ce qu'en tant qu'hôte du sommet, et en collaboration avec le président Macron et le premier ministre Starmer, vous susciterez une action plus large du G7 dans ce sens.

Cours internationales et droit international

Nous avons suivi de près l'enquête lancée par la Cour pénale internationale concernant la situation dans l'État de Palestine. Comme vous le savez, en mai 2024, le procureur de la Cour a demandé des mandats d'arrêt contre trois dirigeants du Hamas et deux dirigeants israéliens, pour des accusations de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité liés à l'attaque du 7 octobre et à l'offensive militaire qui a suivi. Les trois dirigeants du Hamas ont tous été tués par la suite et les procédures engagées contre eux ont été abandonnées ou retirées. Des mandats d'arrêt ont été émis contre le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu et l'ancien ministre de la Défense Yoav Gallant en novembre 2024 et n’ont toujours pas été suivis d’effets.[12] Les enquêtes de la Cour se poursuivent et il est tout à fait possible que d'autres mandats d'arrêt soient demandés.

En mai 2024, nous avons été nombreux à soutenir une lettre ouverte adressée à votre prédécesseur Justin Trudeau par 375 universitaires, juristes, représentants de la société civile, leaders religieux, anciens ministres et diplomates, appelant le gouvernement canadien à soutenir les travaux en cours de la CPI en ce qui concerne la Palestine.[13]  Cela reste un impératif majeur pour lutter contre les décennies d'impunité qui ont protégé les responsables de crimes graves en vertu du droit international en Palestine et en Israël de l'obligation de rendre des comptes.

Jusqu'à présent, nous avons été déçus par ce qu'il convient d'appeler un soutien ambivalent et réticent du gouvernement canadien à la CPI. Votre gouvernement ne doit pas seulement soutenir l'enquête de la CPI en paroles, mais aussi en actes, par exemple en affectant des enquêteurs pour aider l'enquête de la Cour sur les atrocités commises en Palestine, comme il l'a fait dans le cadre de l'enquête sur l'Ukraine. Nous implorons également votre gouvernement de ne pas se contenter d'affirmer clairement qu'il appliquera les mandats d'arrêt existants de la CPI, mais qu'il soutiendra l'émission de mandats supplémentaires, notamment en ce qui concerne les atrocités commises en Cisjordanie.

Nous attirons également votre attention sur l'avis consultatif rendu par la Cour internationale de justice en juillet 2024, dans lequel la Cour conclut que « la présence d'Israël dans le territoire palestinien occupé est illicite ».[14]  La Cour note en outre que tous les États – c’est-à-dire incluant le Canada et tous les membres du G7 - sont «tenus de ne pas prêter aide ou assistance au maintien de la situation créée par [la présence illicite d’Israël dans le Territoire palestinien occupé]. »[15] La Cour a affirmé que tous les États avaient donc le devoir « de faire une distinction, dans leurs échanges avec Israël, entre le territoire de l’État d’Israël et les territoires occupés depuis 1967 ».[16] À cet égard, la Cour a affirmé que ce devoir englobe notamment:

• l’obligation de ne pas entretenir de relations conventionnelles avec Israël dans tous les cas où celui-ci prétendrait agir au nom du Territoire palestinien occupé ou d’une partie de ce dernier sur des questions concernant ledit territoire ;

• de ne pas entretenir, en ce qui concerne le Territoire palestinien occupé ou des parties de celui-ci, de relations économiques ou commerciales avec Israël qui seraient de nature à renforcer la présence illicite de ce dernier dans ce territoire ;

• ils doivent s’abstenir, dans l’établissement et le maintien de missions diplomatiques en Israël, de reconnaître de quelque manière sa présence illicite dans le Territoire palestinien occupé ; et

• de prendre des mesures pour empêcher les échanges commerciaux ou les investissements qui aident au maintien de la situation illicite créée par Israël dans le Territoire palestinien occupé. »[17]

En tant qu'organe judiciaire principal des Nations Unies, la détermination du droit international par la CIJ qui précède et qui fait autorité est contraignante pour tous les États, que cette détermination apparaisse ou non sous la forme d'un avis consultatif de la Cour. Il en est ainsi parce que les décisions de la Cour reposent avant tout sur les violations par Israël de normes impératives du droit international, auxquelles il n'est pas permis de déroger.

Plusieurs d'entre nous avons participé à l'envoi de lettres à l'ancien premier ministre et aux ministres concernés, et à des réunions avec eux au cours de l'année 2024, formulant des recommandations sur les mesures que le Canada est légalement tenu de prendre en réponse à l'avis consultatif 2024, y compris en ce qui concerne les colonies illégales en Cisjordanie, qui constituent des crimes de guerre ; mais très peu a été fait, et les mesures minimales qui ont été prises, telles que des sanctions contre des colons individuels en Cisjordanie, se sont clairement révélées inefficaces.[18]

Selon nous, le Canada est loin d'avoir respecté l'obligation juridique internationale claire de ne pas prêter « aide ou assistance » à Israël pour poursuivre sa présence illicite dans le Territoire palestinien occupé et commettre d'autres actes internationalement illicites, y compris des crimes internationaux fondamentaux, dans le Territoire..

Recommandations

Tant sur le plan moral que juridique, il incombe au Canada, et donc à votre gouvernement, de prendre toutes les mesures possibles pour mettre fin, prévenir, enquêter et punir le génocide, les crimes de guerre et les crimes contre l'humanité à Gaza, en Cisjordanie, à Jérusalem-Est et en Israël. Nous notons qu’en vertu de la Convention sur le génocide le Canada a l'obligation expresse de prévenir et de punir le génocide. En outre, la Convention est largement reconnue comme donnant lieu à des obligations erga omnes, que tous les États ont un intérêt juridique à faire respecter. Aucun État ne peut ni ne doit rester passif face aux crimes de guerre, aux crimes contre l'humanité et au génocide. Nous vous demandons instamment de donner la priorité à l'action du Canada dans cinq domaines.

1) CESSEZ-LE-FEU ET LIBÉRATION DES CAPTIFS

La mesure la plus immédiate à prendre à Gaza est un cessez-le-feu total et inconditionnel, en commençant par un arrêt complet de l’offensive terrestre renouvelée d'Israël. Cela doit inclure la libération de tous les captifs illégalement détenus par le Hamas et par Israël. Votre gouvernement a exprimé son opposition à l'offensive renouvelée et a insisté pour qu'elle soit arrêtée. Il a également appelé à plusieurs reprises à un cessez-le-feu et à la libération des otages. En collaboration avec le G7 et d'autres partenaires, il faut maintenant qu’il y ait des conséquences au non-respect et au refus constants de se conformer à ces exigences.

2) ACCÈS HUMANITAIRE

Le blocus de l'accès humanitaire à Gaza depuis le début du mois de mars a engendré des conditions catastrophiques sur le terrain que les responsables des Nations unies ont qualifiées de famine ; une famine qui n'est pas le résultat de conditions environnementales ou de mauvaises récoltes, mais qui est entièrement provoquée par la politique, les décisions et les actions du gouvernement israélien. Votre gouvernement doit insister pour que l'embargo israélien sur l'Office de secours et de travaux des Nations Unies soit levé et que l'aide soit autorisée à Gaza à l'échelle requise et conformément aux ordonnances contraignantes de la Cour internationale de justice dans l'affaire Afrique du Sud c. Israël, ainsi qu’aux principes humanitaires largement reconnus d'humanité, d'impartialité, de neutralité et d'indépendance. Une fois de plus, en collaboration avec d'autres gouvernements, le refus d'Israël de respecter cet impératif humanitaire le plus fondamental doit avoir des conséquences. Le Canada ne doit pas travailler avec la Gaza Humanitarian Aid Foundation, la reconnaître ou la soutenir de quelque manière que ce soit, car elle n'adhère en rien à ces principes humanitaires et soutient au contraire les stratégies et les intentions militaires d'Israël à l'égard de la bande de Gaza.

3) SOUTIEN AUX TRIBUNAUX INTERNATIONAUX

Le Canada a une longue et fière tradition de soutien au rôle important des tribunaux internationaux dans le respect du droit international. Le soutien à ces institutions est vital à l'heure actuelle. La Cour internationale de justice et la Cour pénale internationale sont toutes deux activement engagées dans des affaires impliquant des allégations et des accusations de génocide, de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité en Israël et en Palestine. Ces deux cours ont fait l'objet de critiques et de contestations hostiles de la part de certains gouvernements, en particulier ceux d'Israël et des États-Unis. Le Canada peut faire beaucoup plus pour démontrer la substance de son soutien aux tribunaux internationaux. Cela devrait inclure l'élaboration d'un plan d'action visant à garantir que le Canada a) se conforme à l'avis consultatif de la CIJ de 2024 concernant l'illicéité de la présence continue d'Israël dans le Territoire palestinien occupé ; b) intervienne en faveur de l'affaire de l'Afrique du Sud devant la CIJ en vertu de la Convention sur le génocide comme l'a fait le Canada dans d'autres affaires (par exemple, Gambie c. Myanmar) ; fasse une déclaration publique claire confirmant l'engagement du Canada à exécuter les mandats d'arrêt émis par la CP; et d) collabore avec d'autres gouvernements pour transmettre au Procureur de la CPI les préoccupations relatives à l'expansion des colonies illégales en Cisjordanie.

4) PRENDRE TOUTES LES MESURES POSSIBLES AU CANADA

Outre l'action internationale, le Canada peut et doit prendre de nombreuses mesures au niveau national. En fait, nous sommes légalement tenus de le faire. La Convention sur le génocide interdit non seulement le génocide mais aussi la « complicité dans le génocide ». La Loi sur les crimes contre l'humanité et les crimes de guerre définit le cadre juridique dans lequel les accusations liées au génocide, aux crimes contre l'humanité ou aux crimes de guerre peuvent être portées contre des Canadiens et des non-Canadiens devant les tribunaux canadiens. Entre autres mesures, nous demandons à votre gouvernement de :

• s'appuyer sur les sanctions qui ont été imposées contre le Hamas, d'autres groupes armés palestiniens et des dirigeants associés à ces groupes, ainsi que sur les sanctions imposées contre les colons extrémistes, en imposant des sanctions contre les principaux responsables du gouvernement israélien soupçonnés d'être responsables de génocide, de crimes contre l'humanité et de crimes de guerre, notamment le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu, le ministre de la Défense Israël Katz, le ministre de la Sécurité nationale Itamar Ben-Gvir et le ministre des Finances Bezalel Smotrich ;

• appliquer une interdiction complète des armes dans les deux sens entre le Canada et Israël, y compris toutes les armes, pièces ou composantes et objets « à double usage » canadiens transférés à Israël via les États-Unis ou tout État tiers ;

• se retirer de l'Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et Israël, en particulier compte tenu du fait que l'accord est illégal parce qu'il viole deux normes péremptoires du droit international, à savoir l'interdiction de l’acquisition de territoire par la menace ou l’emploi de la force et l'obligation de respecter le droit d'un peuple à l'autodétermination (voir la Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités, article 53), et le fait que l'accord inclut des biens et des services provenant des colonies illégales de Cisjordanie et ne fait pas la distinction entre le territoire israélien et le Territoire palestinien occupé ;

• demander à la GRC d'ouvrir des enquêtes sur les allégations selon lesquelles des citoyens canadiens et des organisations constituées et basées au Canada ont commis ou aidé et encouragé à commettre du génocide, de crimes de guerre ou de crimes contre l'humanité en Israël ou en Palestine, y compris lorsqu'ils servaient dans les forces de défense israéliennes, dans le but spécifique de poursuivre les auteurs présumés des infractions ; et

• nommer un expert indépendant chargé d'enquêter et de veiller à ce que toute organisation bénéficiant du statut d'organisme de bienfaisance canadien qui a fourni un soutien financier ou autre au génocide, à des crimes contre l'humanité ou à des crimes de guerre soit déchue de ce statut.

 5) RECONNAISSANCE DE L'ÉTAT DE PALESTINE

Enfin, Monsieur le Premier ministre, nous vous demandons instamment de reconnaître l’État de Palestine, qui devrait se voir accorder le statut de membre à part entière des Nations Unies. Cette reconnaissance bénéficie d'un large soutien, puisque 149 États l'ont déjà fait (148 des 193 États membres de l'ONU, plus un État observateur non membre, le Saint-Siège).[19]  Le gouvernement canadien a déjà exprimé son intention de le faire éventuellement, mais a indiqué que c’était prématuré.[20]  Cela ne peut pas durer, d'autant plus que le gouvernement israélien poursuit des actions telles que le génocide à Gaza et l'expansion des colonies illégales en Cisjordanie, qui sont (de l'aveu même d'Israël) destinées à saper l'intégrité territoriale et l'indépendance politique de la Palestine. Comme l'a noté la Cour internationale de justice dans son avis consultatif de 2024, le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination dans son État est une norme impérative du droit international, à laquelle il n'est pas permis de déroger, et qui ne peut donc pas faire l'objet de négociations. La position du Canada est condescendante et contrevient au droit fondamental des Palestiniens à l'autodétermination. Le Canada ne peut et ne doit plus attendre.

Nous vous rappelons aussi que, le 18 septembre 2024, l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies a adopté à une écrasante majorité (124-14-45) la résolution ES-10/24, qui non seulement accueillait favorablement l’avis consultatif de juillet 2024 de la Cour internationale de justice, mais a également donné à Israël un délai ferme de 12 mois pour mettre fin complètement à son occupation illicite du territoire palestinien. Nous vous exhortons à vous joindre aux autres États du monde partageant les mêmes idées qui, au cas où Israël n’obéirait pas aux directives claires de la Cour, des Nations Unies et de la communauté internationale, considéreront les conséquences nécessaires de cette défiance.

Monsieur le premier ministre, le côté de l'histoire auquel appartient le Canada ne fait aucun doute. En raison des « valeurs communes » proclamées par le Canada et des relations étroites qu'il entretient avec Israël, Ottawa ne doit ménager aucun effort pour mettre immédiatement fin au génocide à Gaza et aux crimes de guerre et aux crimes contre l’humanité en Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem-Est. Le respect du droit international est la seule voie par laquelle non seulement la paix, la justice et les droits de l’homme, mais aussi la sécurité durable et à long terme des Israéliens et des Palestiniens seront atteints.

[1] Al Jazeera, Nearly 70 percent of deaths in Gaza are women and children: UN, November 8, 2024, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/11/8/nearly-70-percent-of-deaths-in-gaza-are-women-and-children-un.

 [2] Assemblée générale des Nations Unies, Rapport de la Rapporteuse spéciale sur la situation des droits de l’homme dans les territoires palestiniens occupés depuis 1967, Francesca Albanese, Anatomie d’un génocide, Document A/HRC/55/73, 1er juillet 2024,  https://docs.un.org/fr/A/HRC/55/73.

[3] Amnesty International, Israel/Occupied Palestinian Territory: ‘You Feel Like You Are Subhuman’: Israel’s Genocide Against Palestinians in Gaza, 5 décembre 2024; Human Rights Watch, Extermination and Acts of Genocide: Israel Deliberately Depriving Palestinians in Gaza of Water, 19 décembre 2024, https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/12/19/extermination-and-acts-genocide/israel-deliberately-depriving-palestinians-gaza.

[4] Lettre ouverte des juges et avocats du Royaume-Uni concernant le territoire palestinien occupé, 26 mai 2025, https://lawyersletter.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Gaza-letter-26May25.pdf.

[5] « La Cour est d’avis que les faits et circonstances mentionnés ci-dessus suffisent pour conclure qu’au moins certains des droits que l’Afrique du Sud revendique et dont elle sollicite la protection sont plausibles. Il en va ainsi du droit des Palestiniens de Gaza d’être protégés contre les actes de génocide et les actes prohibés connexes visés à l’article III... »  Application de la Convention sur la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide dans la bande de Gaza (Afrique du Sud c. Israël), Demande en indication de mesures provisoires, Ordonnance du 26 janvier 2024, paragraphe 54, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240126-ord-01-00-fr.pdf.

[6] Ibid., paragraphe 86(4).

[7] Application de la convention pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide dans la bande de Gaza (Afrique du Sud c. Israël), Demande tendant à la modification de l'ordonnance du 26 janvier 2024 indiquant des mesures conservatoires, Ordonnance du 28 mars 2024, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240328-ord-01-00-fr.pdf; Application de la convention pour la prévention et la répression du crime de génocide dans la bande de Gaza (Afrique du Sud c. Israël), Demande tenant à la modification de l'ordonnance du 28 mars 2024, ordonnance du 24 mai 2024, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/192/192-20240524-ord-01-00-frc.pdf

[8] Mr. Tom Fletcher, Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator - Briefing to the Security Council on the humanitarian situation and the protection of aid workers in Gaza, May 13, 2025, https://reliefweb.int/report/occupied-palestinian-territory/mr-tom-fletcher-under-secretary-general-humanitarian-affairs-and-emergency-relief-coordinator-briefing-security-council-humanitarian-situation-and-protection-aid-workers-gaza-13-may-2025-enarhe.

[9] CBC News, U.S.-backed Gaza aid group halts distribution as 18 killed in Israeli strike on school shelter, 4 juin 2025, https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/gaza-israel-aid-1.7551741. 

[10] Déclaration commune des dirigeants du Canada, du Royaume-Uni et de la France sur la situation à Gaza et en Cisjordanie, 19 mai 2025, https://www.pm.gc.ca/fr/nouvelles/declarations/2025/05/19/declaration-commune-des-dirigeants-du-canada-du-royaume-uni-et

[11] Lorenzo Tondo, Israel confirms plans to create 22 new settlements in occupied West Bank, The Guardian, 29 mai 2025, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/29/israel-new-settlements-occupied-west-bank-palestinian-state.

[12] Cour pénale internationale, Situation dans l’État de Palestine, https://www.icc-cpi.int/fr/palestine

[13] Un appel pour obtenir le soutien du Canada pour les travaux de la CPI concernant la Palestine et Israël, 29 mai 2024, https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5fc01c8f405d5340f3254abf/t/6657cded6d7aab5e3357a855/1717030381613/Open+Letter+to+PM+Trudeau%2C+29.05.24+FR.pdf

[14] « La Cour considère que les violations, par Israël, de l'interdiction de l'acquisition de territoire par la force et du droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination ont un impact direct sur la licéité de la présence continue d'Israël, en tant que puissance occupante, dans le Territoire palestinien occupé. L'utilisation abusive persistante de sa position en tant que puissance occupante à laquelle Israël se livre en annexant le Territoire palestinien occupé et en imposant un contrôle permanent sur celui-ci, ainsi qu’en privant de manière continue le peuple palestinien de son droit à l'autodétermination, viole des principes fondamentaux du droit international et rend illicite la présence d'Israël dans le Territoire palestinien occupé. » Cour internationale de Justice, Avis consultatif, Conséquences juridiques découlant des politiques et pratiques d'Israël dans le Territoire palestinien occupé, y compris Jérusalem-Est, 19 juillet 2024, paragraphe 261, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/186/186-20240719-adv-01-00-frc.pdf

[15] Ibid., paragraphe 279.

[16] Ibid., paragraphe 278.

[17] Idem.

[18] Lettres au gouvernement canadien, avril, juin et août 2024 : Les colonies illégales en Cisjordanie constituent des crimes de guerre, https://www.alexneve.ca/blog/2024warcrimeletters.

[19] Al Jazeera, Mapping which countries recognise Palestine in 2025, 10 avril 2025, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/10/mapping-which-countries-recognise-palestine-in-2025.

[20] « Le Canada est disposé à reconnaître un État palestinien au moment le plus propice à une paix durable, même si celle-ci n’est pas la dernière étape vers la réalisation de la solution à deux États. » Gouvernement du Canada, Politique canadienne sur les aspects clés du conflit israélo-palestinien, https://www.international.gc.ca/world-monde/international_relations-relations_internationales/mena-moan/israeli-palestinian_policy-politique_israelo-palestinien.aspx?lang=fra, consulté le 29 mai 2025; Raffy Boudjikanian, Canadian government speaking with allies about Palestinian statehood recognition, official tells MPs, CBC News, 8 novembre 2024, https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canadian-government-speaking-with-allies-about-palestinian-statehood-recognition-official-tells-mps-1.7377712

ENDORSED BY:

(Organizational affiliations are cited only for identification purposes and do not indicate endorsement by those organizations.)

Imtenan Abd-El-Razik, Barrister and Solicitor

Nahla Abdo, Ph.D., Chancellor’s Professor, Department of Sociology/Anthropology, Carleton University

Yasmeen Abu-Laban, Professor and Canada Research Chair in the Politics of Citizenship and Human Rights, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta

Nadia Abu-Zahra, Professor of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa

Laurie Adkin, Professor Emerita of Political Science, University of Alberta

Michelle Adormaa Owusu, Barrister and Solicitor

Melanie Adrian, Associate Professor, Carleton University

Hodan Ahmed Mohamed, Founder, Arawelo Institute for Leadership & Public Policy and UN Human Rights Fellow

Sharry Aiken, Professor of Law, Queen's University

Dr. Davut Akca, Assistant Professor, Criminology, Lakehead University

Greg Albo, Professor of International Relations, Department of Politics, York University

Kristi A. Allain, Canada Research Chair, Physical Culture and Social Life and Professor, Sociology, St. Thomas University

Carmen Alvarez, Barrister and Solicitor

Dr. Kjell Anderson, Associate Professor of Law, University of Manitoba

Ian Angus, Professor Emeritus, Simon Fraser University

Rachad Antonius, Honorary Professor (Retired Full Professor), Department of Sociology, Université du Québec à Montréal

Veromi Arsiradam, Barrister and Solicitor

Florence Ashley, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Alberta

Professor François Audet, Director of the Montreal Institute of International Studies, Université du Québec à Montréal

Michael Aylward, Former international development analyst Global Affairs Canada (retired)

Muhannad Ayyash, Professor of Sociology, Mount Royal University

Amanda Aziz, Refugee, Immigration and Human Rights Lawyer

Sofiane Baba, Professor of strategic management, Université de Sherbrooke

Dr. Feyzi Baban, Professor and Chair, Department of Global Justice and Development, Trent University

Rémi Bachand, Professeur de droit international,Université du Québec à Montréal

Abigail B. Bakan, Professor, University of Toronto

Corey Balsam, National Coordinator, Independent Jewish Voices Canada

Nigel Bankes, FRSC, Emeritus Professor of Law, University of Calgary

Peter Barnacle, Former general counsel, Canadian Association  of University Teachers

Gerald K. Barr, CM, Former President/CEO, Canadian Council for International Cooperation

Ranu Basu, Professor of Geography, Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, York University

Dr. Susan Bazilli, Director, International Women's Rights Project and Member of UN OHCHR Group of Independent Experts on Human Rights Situation in Belarus

Sarah Beamish, Human Rights Lawyer

Dr. Stéphane Beaulac, Professor of international law, Université de Montréal

Lori Beckstead, Associate Professor, Toronto Metropolitan University

Shakeela Begum, Lawyer

Matthew Behrens, Coordinator, Rural Refugee Rights Network

Ibrahim Bengizi, Barrister and Solicitor

Faisal Bhabha, Associate Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Brenna Bhandar, Associate Professor, Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia

Gilles Bibeau, Professeur émérite, Université de Montréal

Rabbi Elizabeth Bolton

Sarah L. Boyd, Barrister & Solicitor

Susan B. Boyd, Professor Emerita, Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia

Professor Susan Breau, Institute of Advanced Legal Studies, University of London

Bruce Broomhall, Professeur, droit pénal international, Université du Québec à Montréal

Dr. Carissa Brown, Professor, Memorial University

Sue Brown, Director of Advocacy, Justice for Girls

Elyse Bruce, LLB

Michael Bueckert, PhD, Acting President, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East

Doris Buss, Professor of Law, Department of Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University

Salematou Camara, Barrister and Solicitor

Bonnie Campbell, Professor Emeritus, Faculty of Political Science and Law, Université du Québec à Montréal

Christopher Campbell-Duruflé, Assistant Professor, Lincoln Alexander School of Law, Toronto Metropolitan University

Catholics for Justice and Peace in the Holy Land

Irina Ceric, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

Jamil Chammas, Avocat

Paul Champ, Human rights lawyer

Chi Carmody, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Western University

Jessica Chandrashekar, Lawyer and academic

Elaine Coburn, Associate Professor, International Studies, York University

Veldon Coburn, Ph.D, Associate Professor, McGill University

Marjorie Griffin Cohen, Professor Emeritus, Simon Fraser University

Miriam Cohen, Full Professor and Canada Research Chair in Human Rights and International Justice, Faculty of Law, Université de Montréal

Robert Collette, Former Ambassador of Canada, Chief of Protocol for Canada and Sherpa for the Francophonie

Ken Collier, Retired Professor, Arts and Integrated Studies, Athabasca University

Kristina Cooke, Lawyer

François Crépeau, OC, Professor of International Law, McGill University, and former United Nations Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants

Ally Crockford, PhD, National Coordinator, Righting Relations Canada

Alison Crosby, Associate Professor, School of Gender, Sexuality and Women’s Studies, York University

Lawrence Cumming, International Development/Civil Society Leader and Executive (Retired)

Dr. Amanda Dale, Fellow, Human Rights Research and Education Centre, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Stephen D’Arcy, Associate Professor, Philosophy, Huron University

Gail Davidson, Director and Founder of Lawyers' Rights Watch Canada, Lawyer (retired status)

Shelagh Day, C.M., Human Rights Advocate

Joseph G Debanné, Phd, P.Eng, Retired Chair of the Middle East Study Group

Beverley J Delong, Barrister & Solicitor (Inactive)

Dr Nathan Derejko, Mauro Chair in Human Rights and Social Justice, Assistant Professor of Law, University of Manitoba

Me Louise Desautels, Avocate à la retraite

Emily Dixon, Barrister

Tasha Donnelly, Barrister and Solicitor

Katie Douglas, Lawyer

Sarah Dowling, Ph.D., Assistant Professor, University of Toronto

Roxanne Dubé, Former Canadian Ambassador

Karen Dubinsky, Professor, Global Development Studies/History, Queen’s University

Todd Dufresne, Professor of Philosophy, Lakehead University

John Dugard, Emeritus professor of international Law and former UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

Jouman El-Asmar, Barrister and Solicitor

Dr. Lena El-Malak, Independent expert in public international law

Christo El Morr, Professor of Health Informatics, Director of the Center for Feminist Research, York University

Mohamed El Rashidy, Barrister and Solicitor

Tammer El-Sheikh, PhD, Associate Professor, Art History, York University

Reem Elawny, Lawyer

Pearl Eliadis, Human rights lawyer, Associate Professor (professional), Max Bell School of Public Policy, McGill University; Full Member, Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism, Faculty of Law, McGill University; Expert Group on Human Rights of the Quebec Bar Association

Marc Epprecht, Professor, Department of Global Development Studies, Queen's University

Almira Esmail, Barrister and Solicitor

Mark Etkin, MD FRCPC, Associate Professor, University of Manitoba

Mohammad Fadel, Professor of Law, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto

Leilani Farha, Former UN Special Rapporteur on the right to housing

Sana Fatima, Human rights lawyer

Paul Fauteux, International lawyer and former Canadian diplomat

Jaron Fergusson, Barrister and Solicitor

John W. Foster, International Studies, University of Regina (ret'd)

Robert Fox, Retired Civil Society Leader

Evan Fox-Decent, Canada Research Chair in Cosmopolitan Law and Justice, Professor, Faculty of Law, McGill University

 Sr. Mary-Ellen Francoeur, On behalf of Pax Christi Toronto

Philippe M. Frowd, Associate Professor, School of Political Studies, University of Ottawa

Richard Fung, Professor Emeritus, Faculty of Art, OCAD University

Monika Kin Gagnon, Professor Emerita, Concordia University

Martin Gallié, Professeur, département des sciences juridiques Université du Québec à Montréal

Dr. Samir Gandesha, Professor of Global Humanities and Director of the Institute for the Humanities, Simon Fraser University

Cheryl Gaster, Human rights lawyer (retired)

Amanda Ghahremani, Research Fellow, Human Rights Center, UC Berkeley School of Law

Sara Ghebremusse, Assistant Professor, Peter A. Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia

Arash Ghiassi, Lawyer

Emily Gilbert, Professor, Canadian Studies and Geography and Planning, University of Toronto

Jacqui Gingras, Professor, Sociology, Toronto Metropolitan University

Harry Glasbeek, Professor Emeritus and Senior Scholar, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Tracy Glynn, Assistant Professor, St. Thomas University

Sofia Rosio Godomar, Founder, Educate Girls Network

Luin Goldring, Professor of Sociology, York University

Howard Green, Former Assistant Deputy Minister, Service Canada - Ontario Region (2006-2012)

Joyce Green, Professor Emerita, University of Regina

Jesse Greener, PhD, Full Professor, Département de chimie, Université Laval

John Greyson, Film/video artist

Malini Guha, Associate Professor, Carleton University

Priya Gupta, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, McGill University

Ratiba Hadj-Moussa, Professor of Sociology, York University

Blayne Haggart, Professor, Department of Political Science, Brock University

Judy Haiven, PhD, Retired Professor, Saint Mary's University

David Halton, Former CBC Foreign Correspondent

Saad Hammadi, Fellow, Balsillie School of International Affairs

Yavar Hameed, Human rights lawyer

Mark Hancock, National President, Canadian Union of Public Employees

Paul Hannon, Retired Executive Director, Mines Action Canada (1998-2023) and Former Vice-Chair, International Campaign to Ban Landmines – Cluster Munition Coalition

Robin F. Hansen, Associate Professor, College of Law, University of Saskatchewan

Louise Harel, Députée, Ministre, Présidente, Assemblée nationale du Québec (1981-2008)

Sasha Hart, Human rights lawyer

James C Hathaway, FRSC, Degan Professor of Law Emeritus, University of Michigan

Matthew Hayes, Professor of Sociology and Canada Research Chair in Global and Transnational Studies, St. Thomas University

Jennifer Henderson, Professor, School of Canadian Studies, Carleton University

Salvador Herencia-Carrasco, Member, Human Rights Research and Education Centre, University of Ottawa

Steven High, Professor of History, Concordia University

Dr. Catherine Holtmann, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of New Brunswick

Jennie M Hornosty, PhD, Retired Professor, Sociology, University of New Brunswick

Rhoda E. Howard-Hassmann, CM, O.Ont, FRSC Canada Research Chair in International Human Rights (2003-2016), Wilfrid Laurier University

Kirsten Hummel, Professor of applied linguistics, Université Laval

Rachel Hurst, Professor and Coordinator, Women’s and Gender Studies, St. Francis Xavier University

Adnan Husain, Director, School of Religion, and Associate Professor in History, Queen's University

Pablo Idahosa, Professor Emeritus, African Studies and International Development Studies, York University

Kareem Ibrahim, Barrister and Solicitor

Sofia Ijaz, Refugee and Immigration Lawyer

Brian Iler, Barrister and Solicitor

Shin Imai, Professor Emeritus, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Talbot Imlay, Professeur titulaire, Département des sciences historiques, Université Laval

Ardi Imseis, Associate Professor of Law, Faculty of Law, Queen’s University

Peter Ives, Professor of Political Science, University of Winnipeg

Humera Jabir, Lawyer

Barbara Jackman, C.M., Human rights lawyer

Martha Jackman, Professor emerita, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Merle A. Jacobs, PhD, Associate Professor, Department of Equity Studies, York University

Ilwad A. Jama, Lawyer

Cesar Jaramillo, Former Executive Director, Project Ploughshares

Zahra H. Jimale, Barrister and Solicitor

Zaheera Jinnah, PhD, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University of Victoria

Yasmin Jiwani, PhD, Professor Emerita, Department of Communication Studies, Concordia University

Susan Johnson, Former Deputy Secretary General Canadian Red Cross and Former Permanent Representative to the United Nations, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies

Dr. El Jones, Assistant Professor, Department of Politics, Economics, and Canadian Studies, Mount Saint Vincent University

Talia Joundi, Immigration Lawyer

David Juncker, Professor and Chair Biomedical Engineering Department, McGill University

Nathan Kalman-Lamb, Associate Professor of Sociology, University of New Brunswick

Charis Kamphuis, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Thompson Rivers University

Molly Kane, Former Executive Director of Inter Pares and Former Executive Director of Council of Canadians

Sandra Ka Hon Chu, LLM

Azeezah Kanji, Legal academic and journalist

Ilan Kapoor, Professor, Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, York University

Dr. Lara Karaian, Associate Professor, Institute of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Carleton University

Michael Karanicolas, Associate Professor and James S. Palmer Chair in Public Policy & Law, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University

Armaan Kassam, Staff Lawyer, National Counsel of Canadian Muslims

Ali Kazimi, FRSC, Filmmaker and professor, York University

Judith Keene, Vice Chair (retired), Human Rights Tribunal of Ontario

Lisa M. Kelly, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Queen’s University

Kamala Kempadoo, Professor Emerita, York University

Dr. Mark Kersten, Assistant Professor, Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of the Fraser Valley

Faiz Ahmad Khan, MD MPH, Associate Professor, McGill University

Noreen Khimji, Barrister and Solicitor

Rosel Kim, Barrister and Solicitor

Dr Asad Kiyani, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Victoria

Naomi Klein, Author, Associate Professor of Geography, University of British Columbia

Mustafa Koc, Professor Emeritus, Department of Sociology, Toronto Metropolitan University

L Richard Kohler, Former Canadian Ambassador, retired

Professor Jennifer Koshan, Faculty of Law, University of Calgary

Jonathan Kuttab, Co-founder, Just Peace Advocates

Faisal Kutty, Associate Professor of Law Emeritus, Valparaiso University and Affiliate Faculty Member, Rutgers University Center for Security, Race, and Rights

Joan Kuyek, DSW, Adjunct Instructor, Queen’s University

Fannie Lafontaine, Full Professor, Faculty of Law, Former Canada Research Chair on International Criminal Justice and Human Rights, Université Laval

Lucie Lamarche, Professeure, Université du Québec à Montréal

Michele Landsberg, Feminist Journalist, Officer of the Order of Canada

Emma Landy, Barrister and Solicitor, Labour and Human Rights Law

Jonathan Langdon, Professor, Development Studies and Canada Research Chair for Sustainability and Social Change Leadership, St. Francis Xavier University

Karinne Lantz, Assistant Professor, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University

Peter Larson, Ph.D., Chair, Ottawa Forum on Israel/Palestine

Rebeka Lauks, Barrister and Solicitor, Instructor, Graduate Diploma in Immigration and Citizenship Law Queen's University

Dr. Jason Laurendeau, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Lethbridge

Min Sook Lee, Documentary Filmmaker, Associate Professor OCAD University

Nazma Lee, Barrister and Solicitor

Soo-Jin Lee, Barrister and Solicitor

B.A. LeFrançois, PhD, University Research Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland

Mayme Lefurgey, Ph.D., Adjunct Professor, Department of Sociology, University of New Brunswick

Michael A. Leitold, Barrister and Solicitor

Professor Josh Lepawsky, Department of Geography, Memorial University of Newfoundland and Labrador

Charles Z. Levkoe, Professor and Canada Research Chair in Equitable and Sustainable Food Systems, Lakehead University

Avi Lewis, Filmmaker, NDP Federal Candidate

Stephen Lewis, Former Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations

Dr. Carol Liao, Associate Professor, Peter A. Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia

Jamie Liew, Full Professor and Shirley Greenberg Chair for Women and the Legal Profession, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Jessica Lott Thompson, Human Rights Lawyer; Former Director, Yukon Human Rights Commission; Sessional Instructor, Faculty of Law, University of Victoria

Me Sami Louzi, Avocat/Lawyer

Michael Lynk, Professor Emeritus of Law, Western University and the former UN Special Rapporteur for human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territory

Nimâ Machouf, PhD, École de santé publique, Université de Montréal

Professor Carolyn A. MacLean, Barrister and Solicitor

Theresa MacLean, Barrister and Solicitor

Dania Majid, Arab Canadian Lawyers Association

Camille Marquis Bissonnette, Professor of Law, Université du Québec en Outaouais

Sarah Maiter, PhD, Professor, Liberal Arts and Professional Studies School of Social Work, York University

Diana Majury, Professor Emerita, Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University

Aylin Manduric, Barrister and Solicitor (non-practicing)

Firoze Manji, Adjunct Professor, Institute of African Studies, Carleton University,

James Manly, Former Member of Parliament (1980-88)

Mudasir Marfatia, Barrister and Solicitor

Thomas Marois, Tier 1 Canada Research Chair, Professor of Political Economy, McMaster University

Dr. James G. Martin, Professor of Medicine, McGill University

Peggy Mason, President, Rideau Institute and former Canadian Ambassador for Disarmament to the United Nations

Dr. Ingrid Mattson, Professor of Islamic Studies & Director of the Centre for Islamic Theology, Ethics & Spirituality Huron University

Dr. Heidi Matthews, Assistant Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Richard Matthews, Associate Professor, Bond University

Monia Mazigh, PhD, Author, Adjunct Research Professor, Department of English and Literature, Carleton University

Carlota McAllister, Associate Professor, Faculty of Environmental and Urban Change, York University

Stephen McBride, Professor of Political Science, McMaster University

Rosemary McCarney, Former Ambassador of Canada to the United Nations and the Conference on Disarmament, Senior Fellow, Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, Visiting Scholar in International Relations, Trinity College, University of Toronto, and Senior Fellow, Bill Graham Centre for Contemporary Canadian History

Margaret McCuaig-Johnston, Senior Fellow, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa

Meghan McDermott, Barrister and Solicitor, Policy Director, British Columbia Civil Liberties Association

Samantha McGavin, Executive Director, Inter Pares

Liam McHugh-Russell, Assistant Professor, Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University

Sheila McIntyre, Retired Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Melissa J. McKay, Barrister and Solicitor

Paul McLennan, Barrister and Solicitor

Tim McSorley, National Coordinator, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group

Merouan Mekouar, Professor / Professeur titulaire, Department of Social Science, York University

Koula Mellos, Professor of Political Science (retired), University of Ottawa

Donna Mergler, Professor emerita, Université du Québec à Montréal

Naiomi Metallic, Associate Professor and Chancellor’s Chair of Aboriginal Law and Policy at the Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University

Urooj Mian, MSc., LL.M, CEO Sustainable Human Empowerment (SHE) Associates

Dr. Liam Midzain-Gobin, Political Science, Brock University

Drew Mildon, Lawyer

Bob Miller, President (retired), The Parliamentary Centre

Rabbi David Mivasair, Independent Jewish Voices Canada

Douglas Moggach, Distinguished University Professor, University of Ottawa

Haideh Moghissi, Emerita Professor of Sociology, York University

Jeffrey Monaghan, Associate Professor, Institute of Criminology, Carleton University

Catherine Morris, Independent Legal Scholar, (Past) Executive Director, Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada; Director, Peacemakers Trust

Khaled Loutfi Mouammar, Former Member, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada (1994 – 2005)

Mary Mouammar, Former Member, Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada

Randa Mouammar, Lawyer and Professor, Seneca Polytechnic

Brian K Murphy, Author, human rights advocate, Former senior policy analyst, Inter Pares (ret.)

Dr Shannonbrooke Murphy, Endowed Chair in Human Rights, St Thomas University

Jennifer Mustapha, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Huron University at Western

Shaun Narine, Professor and Chair, Political Science, St. Thomas University

Shelina Neallani, Barrister & Solicitor

Sheryl Nestel, PhD, Affiliated Scholar, New College, University of Toronto

Alex Neve, OC, Senior Fellow, Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, and Visiting and Adjunct Professor of International Human Rights Law, University of Ottawa

Kim Hong Nguyen, Associate Professor, University of Waterloo

Vinh Nguyen, Associate Professor of English, University of Waterloo

Ken Norman, Emeritus Professor of Law, University of Saskatchewan

Dr. John K. Merou, Professor, University of Toronto, Extraordinary Professor, Stellenbosch University

Lori Lee Oates, Teaching Assistant Professor, Memorial University of Newfoundland

Rula Odeh, Chair, Canadian Friends of Sabeel

Henry Off, Canadian Lawyers for International Human Rights

Professor Ubaka Ogbogu, Faculty of Law, University of Alberta.

Obiora C Okafor, Professor of International Law, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Celeste Orr, Assistant Professor, Sociology, University of New Brunswick

Professor Gerardo Otero, School of International Studies, Simon Fraser University

John Packer, Director, Human Rights Research and Education Centre and Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Genevieve Renard Painter, PhD, Member, Quebec Bar, and Associate Professor, Concordia University

Dr. Pamela Palmater, Chair in Indigenous Governance, Toronto Metropolitan University

Roxanne Panchasi, Associate Professor, Department of History, Simon Fraser University

Ajay Parasram, Associate Professor, Dalhousie University

Gar Pardy, Former Canadian Ambassador 

Laila Parsons, Professor of Modern Middle East History, McGill University

The Honourable Kim Pate, C.M., Senator for Ontario and Adjunct Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Viviana Patroni, Professor Emerita, International Development Studies, York University

Dr. Martha Paynter, PhD, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Nursing, University of New Brunswick

Dr Karen Pearlston, Professor of Law (Ret.), University of New Brunswick

Roberto Perin, Professor Emeritus, History Department, York University

André Perrault, Membre du Barreau du Québec (1981-2020)

Julietta Perucca, Deputy Director, The Shift

Cindy Phillips, Barrister and Solicitor, Adjunct Professor, University of British Columbia

Justin Piché, PhD, Full Professor, Criminology, University of Ottawa

Elizabeth Pickett, Assistant Professor (Retired), Carleton University

Nicholas Pope, Human rights lawyer

Bruce Porter, Executive Director, Social Rights Advocacy Centre

Nathan Prier, President, Canadian Association of Professional Employees

Carolyn Prouse, Associate Professor, Queen's University

Tavleen Purewal, Assistant Professor, Department of English University of New Brunswick

Debbie Rachlis, Barrister and Solicitor

Saeed Rahnema, PhD, Professor rtd., Political Science and Public Policy, York University

Sharayer Rajabi, Barrister and Solicitor

Diana Ralph, Ph.D., Retired Associate Professor, Carleton University

Joshua Ramisch, Professeur Titulaire, École de développement international et mondialisation, Université d’Ottawa

Sara Rans, Chair, Independent Jewish Voices Canada

Aditya Rao, Madhu Verma Migrant Justice Centre

Derek Rasmussen, PhD, Legal researcher

Tariq Rauf, Former Head of Verification and Security Policy, International Atomic Energy Agency

Arif Raza, Barrister and Solicitor

Judy Rebick, Writer

Byron Rempel-Burkholder, Chair, Mennonite Church Canada Palestine-Israel Network

Mark Andrew Reynolds, Barrister and Solicitor

Gordon Ritchie, Former federal deputy minister and ambassador for free trade negotiations

Yvon Rivard, Professeur retraité, Université McGill

Hon. Douglas Roche, O.C., Former Senator and Ambassador

Allan Rock, P.C., C.M., K.C., Former Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, and former Canadian Ambassador to the United Nations

Sanda Rodgers, Professor Emerita, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Jillian Rogin, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

Heather Joy Ross, Barrister and Solicitor

Maia Rotman, Barrister and Solicitor

Chris Rudnicki, Criminal appeal lawyer

Bruce Ryder, Associate Professor, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Kathleen Ruff, Human Rights Advocate

Kim Rygiel, Professor, Department of Political Science and Balsillie School of International Affairs, Wilfrid Laurier University

Laila Sahyoun, Attorney at Law

Daniel Sailofsky, Assistant Professor, University of Toronto

Alina Sajed, Associate Professor, McMaster University.

Ariel Salzmann, Associate Professor, Islamic and World History, Department of History, Queen's University

Isaac Saney, PhD, Associate Professor and Coordinator, Black and African Diaspora Studies, Dean’s Office, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Dalhousie University; Adjunct Professor, Department of History, Saint Mary's University

Jim Sannes, President, Board of Directors, Canadian Unitarians For Social Justice

Haig E. Sarafian, Retired Canadian Ambassador

Derek Sayer, FRSC, Professor emeritus, University of Alberta

William Schabas, OC, Professor of International Law, Middlesex University

Eric Schiller, Retired Professor, Civil Engineering, University of Ottawa

Pamela Scholey, Former Coordinator, Task Force on International Critical Incidents, Global Affairs Canada (retired)

Craig Scott, Professor of Law, Osgoode Hall Law School, York University

Michaelin Scott, Barrister and Solicitor

Joshua Sealy-Harrington, Associate Professor and Chair of Equality Law, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

Michel Seymour, Professeur honoraire, Université de Montréal

Elizabeth Sheehy, F.R.S.C., O. Ont., Professor Emerita of Law, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Tyler Shipley, Professor, Liberal Studies, Humber Polytechnic

Nadia Shivji, Vice Chair, Canadian Association of Muslim Lawyers, Atlantic Chapter

Sid Shniad, Founding Member, Independent Jewish Voices Canada

Shibil Siddiqi, Human Rights Lawyer

Shadman Siddiky, Barrister and Solicitor

Penelope Simons, Professor and Gordon F. Henderson Chair in Human Rights, Faculty of Common Law, University of Ottawa

Dr. Anne-Marie Singh, Professor, Toronto Metropolitan University

Rachel Singleton-Polster, Senior Human Rights Advocate, Feminist Alliance for International Action

Tammara Soma PhD RPP, MCIP, Associate Professor, School of Resource and Environmental Management (Planning), Simon Fraser University

George Somerwill, Former Director of Communications , UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations, Past President UN Association in Canada, Vancouver Branch

Jesook Song, Professor, University of Toronto

Timea Spitka, Adjunct Research Professor, Norman Patterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University

Peter Splinter, Former Amnesty International Representative to the United Nations in Geneva and Canadian diplomat

Susan Spronk, Associate Professor, School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa

Katrina Sriranpong, Lawyer (retired)

Penni Stewart, Professor Emerita, Department of Sociology, York University

Christine Straehle, Full Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences and Graduate School of Public and International Affairs, University of Ottawa

Anna Su, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Toronto

Mira Sucharov, Professor of Political Science, Carleton University

Ameena Sultan, Barrister and Solicitor

Gökbörü Sarp Tanyildiz, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Brock University

Omar Tabsh, Barrister and Solicitor

Nazira Naz Tareen, Founding President, Ottawa Muslim Women’s Organization

Dr. Heather Tasker, Assistant Professor of Political Science and Law, Justice & Society, Dalhousie University

Dr Marcus Taylor, Professor, Global Development Studies, Queen's University

Nancy Thede, Professeure retraitée, Département de science politique, Université du Québec à Montréal

Tracey Thomas-Falconar, Former Manager of Homeless and Disaster Operations, Canadian Red Cross

Dr. Kristen Thomasen, Associate Professor and Chair in Law, Robotics, and Society, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

Ian Tian, Assistant Professor, Women and Gender Studies, Mount Saint Vincent University

Özgün Topak, Associate Professor, York University

Earl Turcotte, Former Canadian diplomat and United Nations official

Natasha Tusikov, Associate Professor, Criminology Program, Department of Social Science, York University

Pheroze Unwalla, Associate Professor of Teaching, University of British Columbia

Raphael Vagliano, International human rights lawyer

Peyman Vahabzadeh, Professor, Sociology, University of Victoria

Frédéric Vairel, Professeur titulaire, Ecole d'études politiques, Université d'Ottawa

Kirsten Van Houten, Assistant Professor, University of the Fraser Valley

Dr. Ashwini Vasanthakumar, Queen's National Scholar and Associate Professor, Faculty of Law, Queen's University

Brenda Vellino, Professor, Carleton University

Elizabeth Vibert, Professor of Colonial History, University of Victoria

David Viveash, Retired diplomat, former Head of the Political Section at the Canadian Embassy in Tel Aviv and Representative to the Palestinian Authority at the Canadian Representative Office in Ramallah

Jonnette Watson Hamilton, Professor emerita, Faculty of Law, University of Calgary

June Webber, PhD, Former Executive Director, Coady International Institute / Vice President, St. Francis Xavier University

Elizabeth Whitmore, PhD, Professor Emerita, Carleton University

Martha Wiebe, Retired Instructor, Carleton University

Wanda Wiegers, Professor, College of Law, University of Saskatchewan

Dr Jeremy Wildeman, Adjunct Lecturer, Carleton University; Fellow, Human Rights Research and Education Centre, University of Ottawa

John R. Williams, Ph.D., Director of Ethics (retired), Canadian Medical Association and World Medical Association

Emily Regan Wills, Professeure Agrégée, École d'études politiques, Université d'Ottawa

David Wiseman, Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Ottawa

Vincent Wong, Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

The Honourable Yuen Pau Woo, Senator for British Columbia

Stepan Wood, Canada Research Chair in Law, Society & Sustainability, Allard School of Law, University of British Columbia

Ellen Woodsworth, Co-President, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom Canada

David Wright, Assistant Crown Attorney (retired)

b.h. Yael, Professor, Faculty of Art, OCAD University

Nana Yanful, Barrister and Solicitor

James Yap, International human rights lawyer

Drew Yewchuk, Barrister and Solicitor

York University Faculty Association Executive

Margot Young, Professor of Law, University of British Columbia

Sophia Zaidi, Barrister and Solicitor